Author: Jack Prill

Freedoms Compaired

November 20, 2018 / Jack Prill / 1 Comment

Montenegro has progressed moderately in freedom indicators since the Yugoslav split. While Milo Dukanovic’s political party DPS has been in power since 1991, freedoms of speech and assembly are rated favorably by third party observers. According to the Freedom House, freedom of expression and speech is rated as a two out of four. Media coverage is described as “combative” and “partisan” while publicly owned outlets dominate coverage. Opposition media is denied access and often banned entirely in some cases. Additionally, journalists often self censor themselves in order to avoid job loss, political pressures, and even death threats. For example, investigative journalist Jovo Martinović was falsely imprisoned for allegations that he was involved in a criminal gang that he was investigating, yet later released. Additionally, while freedom of speech is generally supported in a public setting, there are fears that speaking against the current government would hurt employment opportunities not only in the public sector, but also in the private sector where politicians have their influence on businesses. This partial speech freedom would not be supported by Bleich’s core message yet the censorship surrounds political opposition and not a divide amongst racial or ethnic groups. Freedom of assembly is rated as a three out of four on freedom house as protests have been known to take place. According to Freedom House, one example occured in 2015 as, “anti government demonstrators in Podgorica clashed with police who tried to disperse them, with police on one occasion firing tear gas and stun grenades at protesters” As a result, “the Special Anti-Terrorist Unit was implicated in misbehavior, and a suit was lodged against its commander in 2016 for failing to punish his offers for the improper use of force. He was sentenced to five months’ imprisonment in January 2017.” While there is a history of anti-semitism and holocaust denial in Serbia, Montenegro has no such public manifestations. Montenegro has one of the smallest and newest jewish populations in Europe and main religious clashes center around the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Montenegrin Orthodox Church, which is not recognized by other Eastern Orthodox Churches. While Bleich argues that limiting free speech in the forum of controversy limits democracy, there seems to be little relation between hate speech and censorship in Montenegro. Censorship seems to stem from political opposition and efforts from Russia to prevent westernization.
Russia’s involvement in Montenegrin politics stems from historical connections between Yugoslavia and the USSR and present day connections between Serbia and Russia. Serbia and Montenegro finally split in 2006, ending the final union of Yugoslav countries. Yet, despite the split, Serbia’s influence over Montenegro is rooted in the presence of ethnic Serbs and traditionalists that still remain in the country. Progressive Montenegrins desire westward integration and a commitment towards globalization. Yet, Russia’s select isolationism and their economic stronghold on the region is dependent on the involvement of old satellite and communist states in the region. Montenegro joined NATO in 2017 in a very calculated attempt to prove to the west that they desired globalization. Additionally, this signaled to the EU that Montenegro was ready to take the next step in EU membership Montenegro’s desire to join NATO did not come without controversy as pro-Russian supporters had direct involvement in the backlash. On October 16, 2016, the day of the Montenegrin Parliamentary elections, 20 people were arrested and later charged for their involvement in an attempted coup d’etat. This was in direct response to Montenegro’s stated desire for NATO ascension. Montenegrin special investigative committees determined that a group of 500 people consisting of Russians, Serbians, and Montenegrins that had Russian state backing were behind the plot that aimed to attack parliament and assassinate Prime Minister Milo Dukanovic. While Russia’s government denied involvement, the ensuing trial determined that Russian involvement was extremely likely. Following the failed coup d’etat, Parliament voted to join NATO with the final vote being 46-0 as the rest of parliament boycotted the vote. Russia will most likely continue to meddle in the politics of countries such as Montenegro as they are slowly losing old communist states to western influence. While they were not successful in preventing NATO membership, their presence in the country is felt. If Serbia were to join the NATO or the EU, this would be a big loss for the Russian government. Serbia’s history with NATO is rocky after the bombings in 1999 during the Kosovo War. Unlike other former Yugoslav nations, Serbia has been averse to joining NATO. Yet, talks between Serbia and the EU have begun. Serbia’s position is different to that of Montenegro as Serbian allegiance is an important one to Russia. Overall, Russia’s ideological influence on Montenegro slipping away and in order to prevent this, future intervention may occur.

https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2018/montenegro

Montenegro and Immigration

October 22, 2018 / Jack Prill / 1 Comment

Similarities to UK and France

Montenegro, while not yet being in the EU, transitioned from resembling France in terms of foreign policy to resembling the United Kingdom. Structurally, Montenegro uses a hybrid-parliamentary system that most resembles France. Similar to France, Montenegro has an elected parliament and as a result, a Prime Minister (Duško Marković) that heads the Parliament and dictates foreign policy and the implementation of laws. Meanwhile, there is also an elected President (Milo Đukanović) who represents the Montenegro abroad, calls for parliamentary elections as well as referendums. Yet, in terms of foreign policy they are approaching an improved and open approach to globalization. Historically, the French are known for being very attached to their culture and nationalist identity. While being a member of the EU, this sentiment is still relevant today with the rise of nationalism and anti-immigration feelings. Montenegro holds similar sentiments as they have only recently formed these individual nationalist feelings.

One of the first acknowledgments of Montenegrin nationalism was when “Jagoš Jovanović wrote the History of the Montenegrin Nation and established the Montenegrin Academy of Sciences and Arts in Podgorica in the 1970s” (Jagiello-Szostak 105). As a result, the division of Yugoslav nationalism, and more recently Serbian nationalism, has been a recent development. Montenegro’s desire to find their own voice and build lasting strong institutions and regional stability follows the French idea of monoethnicity and nationalism. The influx of immigrants using new West Balkans paths to Europe has created tension in the region and has left many countries scrambling for answers. Montenegro shares a maritime border with Italy across the Adriatic Sea. As a result, they have a responsibility to control the influx of refugees, especially as they vie for an EU bid. Additionally, they have recently formed a plan for a razor-wire fence on the 26-kilometres long borderline with Albania. Additionally, Hungary, a staunch opposer to the influx of refugees, has agreed to help finance the fence. Montenegro is frustrated with Albania’s laid back attitude to letting these refugees through their country and into Montenegro. This is exacerbated by the fact the Tirana refuses to take back these refugees after they are sent back out of Montenegro. This anti-immigration policy follows the lead of the UK as they closed their borders and left the EU, with the refugee crisis being one off the main reasons they decided to leave. The Goodwin and Milazzo reading, backs these claims, concluding that “strong public concerns over immigration, and its perceived effects on the country and on communities, were central to explaining the 2016 vote for Brexit”. As a result, Montenegro follows a hybrid of French nationalism as well as British anti-immigration stances and border control as a result of the refugee crisis.

Relation to EU

Montenegro was recently called a “black hole” by Montenegrin journalist Brazen Zivkovic with regards to the amount of refugees that were entering the country with no route on which to continue to travel. Over 6,700 refugees have entered Albania, Montenegro, and Bosnia this past year, causing Zivkovic to place blame on the local authorities for turning a blind eye on the issue (Tomovic 1). According to the Guardian, the EU has had an influx of over 1.8 million migrants since 2014, with over 1 million of them arriving in 2015 alone. This issue, along with the EU’s inability to come to an agreement on widespread reform, could be the downfall of the EU. Blame is being passed around on who should accept these migrants and where to integrate them, if at all. Overall, front line states such as Greece, Spain, and Italy take in an inordinate amount of migrants, with these migrants looking to reach northern, wealthier, destination states. A balance of this distribution will lead to a more cooperative EU. Lastly, hard line no immigrant stances from eastern European countries such as Poland and Hungary must be altered in order to come to an agreement. Montenegro has appeared to be anti-immigrant so far during the crisis, committing to building a fence with financial contributions from Hungary. Yet, this must be altered to form a collective approach if Montenegro were to join the EU. Taking an approach such as Hungary’s and Poland’s does not appear to be an realistic option nor one that makes for a friendly introduction when it joins the EU.

Montenegro began EU preliminary talks back in 2010 when “the Commission issued a favourable opinion on Montenegro’s application, identifying 7 key priorities that would need to be addressed for negotiations to begin, and the Council granted it candidate status” (European Commission). Additionally, “In December 2011, the Council launched the accession process with a view to opening negotiations in June 2012. The accession negotiations with Montenegro started on 29 June 2012” (European Commission). Overall, Montenegro must continue to work with EU bodies in order to meet the requirements of the Copenhagen Criteria.

Sources

Jagiello-Szostak, Anna. 2013. “Exploring the Roots of Montenegro.” New Eastern Europe, no. 4 (October): 103–9. https://ezproxy.lafayette.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=poh&AN=111391673&site=eds-live

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jun/15/what-current-scale-migration-crisis-europe-future-outlook

https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/countries/detailed-country-information/montenegro_en

http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/region-on-alert-as-migrants-open-new-balkan-route-06-03-2018

Definitions of Europe

September 13, 2018 / Jack Prill / 1 Comment

What are Europe’s Boundaries?
The inherent characteristics of Europe’s geography define its regional boundaries. Whether that is the region of the Atlantic Ocean stretching to the Ural and Caucasus Mountains, or Ireland to Istanbul, Europe’s geographic definition is more concrete than true European membership and identity. While “Europe’s” 28 members (soon to be 27, while looking simultaneously looking to jump to 33 in the near future) define membership economically and socially, there are many countries that have been left out due to political, religious, or economic reasons.
According to Glencross, Morocco previously attempted to join the EEC in 1987, to no avail. This suggests that Europe does not wish to expand its exclusive club to the south. While geography can be pointed to as the cause of this denial, another mostly Islamic country, Turkey, does technically fall within the geographic boundaries. Yet, Turkey’s standing as a semi-authoritarian state weakens their case for admission. When we consider social barriers such as religion, the mounting differences and hindrances in the eyes of Brussels and long lasting European citizens suppress the chances of a country like Turkey receiving membership. In the eyes of my case study country of Montenegro, previous war and macroeconomic instability are the root for their exclusion so far, despite lying within the geographic boundaries. While the West Balkans seem to be a target for inclusion in the near future as long as their economic standing becomes more stable, countries on the other side of the Black Sea seem to be more of a longshot. Countries such as Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan are members of the human rights group the Council of Europe which overall includes 47 countries. Yet, overall institutional weakness and drastic cultural differences allow geographic reasoning to be used as a facade.
While EU membership is a clear indicator of European Identity, it is important to consider that Norway (for reasons surrounding their fishing), Switzerland (fiscal reasons), and in a few months the United Kingdom are all on the outside of the supposedly essential club that aims to put forth a common European identity. The question that should be posed is this: what does being within the boundaries of Europe provide unless a country benefits economically through EU inclusion? In short, EU membership defines a soft European border that could artificially bring together these Eastern European countries with western ones, but is that the best option for all parties involved?

The Idea of Europe
When considering the Idea of Europe, it must be acknowledged that many different actors will have different viewpoints and opinions. Additionally, they will use different criteria when drawing those hypothetical boundaries. Criteria such as physical geography, religion, economic status, or European Union membership all stand in the way of a united definition.
My case study country of Montenegro is not an EU member, yet appears on track to be one by the year 2025. While Montenegro and Serbia are the only two countries that have started membership talks, others such as Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, and Macedonia seem to follow their West Balkan neighbors in such talks soon, according to the European Commission. The important takeaway geographically from these EU enlargement aspirations is the fact that Greece is an EU member while being further away from continental Europe compared to these aspiring members. Obviously, geography is not the reason that these West Balkan nations have been withheld from the EU as they clearly fall within the regional definition of Europe. Additionally, religion does seem to be the driving issue behind their exclusion from the EU. Around 75 percent of the country is Christian, mostly of the Serbian Orthodox branch. While nearly 20 percent of the population practices Islam, this minority is not a significant enough number to deter membership, as is the case with Turkey whose Islam population is 82 percent of the total population.
As a result of the decline of the Eastern Bloc and the Yugoslav split, many different actors were left with the task of rebuilding their respective countries. After years of war on the peninsula as well as closed market economic policies, West Balkan nations were left underdeveloped and poorer than other western European nations. According to the World Bank, economic growth sits at a projected 2.5 percent in 2019, nearly a full percent lower than the other five non EU West Balkan nations. Additionally, the World Bank views Montenegro as a country that is susceptible to external shocks, as it relies on capital inflows from abroad. If Montenegro wants to advance forward as a potential EU addition, macroeconomic stability must be improved along with achieving the difficult task of lowering the debt level.
All facts considered, Montenegro’s standing as a geographically appropriate, predominantly Christian, economically developing country fits the profile for the Idea of Europe.

Glencross, Andrew. The Politics of European Integration: Political Union or a House Divided? Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley Blackwell, 2014.

Rankin, Jennifer. “Serbia and Montenegro Could Join EU in 2025, Says Brussels.” The Guardian. February 06, 2018. Accessed September 12, 2018. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/feb/06/serbia-and-montenegro-could-join-eu-in-2025-says-brussels.

“Montenegro.” World Bank. Accessed September 12, 2018. http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/montenegro.