- Bulgaria and Germany
As countries which were both part of the Soviet bloc, Germany and Bulgaria share a historical connection. Following World War II, Bulgaria and East Germany were dependent on the Soviet Union for security through membership in the Warsaw Pact. In addition, they were largely isolated from the West economically, with the large majority of trade occurring within other Soviet bloc countries. Even after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and fall of communism, these countries have maintained a strong tie with Russia. In recent years, Putin has pushed to strengthen alliances with the two countries. Bulgaria is seen as a means to keep the Black Sea under Russian dominance and as an energy linkage from Russia to the west (Bugajski 2014). Additionally, Germany’s strong economy plays a large role within the EU, making it a key market for Russia which establishes a powerful and tactical bond. Although it was not carries out, in 2011, Bulgaria even signed an investment agreement with Russia for construction of the South Stream Pipeline, just as construction of the Nord Stream pipeline began in Germany this past May (Noack 2018). However, both countries must be careful to balance their alliances to Russia with their alliances to the West. Bulgaria found itself at odds with the European Union in its commitment to the South Stream Pipeline and Germany is finding itself in a similar position today. With their economic and historical ties to Russia and their membership in NATO, both Bulgaria and Germany play a significant role in peacekeeping between the two. For example, in 1999 during NATO’s intervention in Kosovo, Bulgaria denied Russian forces overflight rights.
2. Bulgaria and the Refugee Crisis
Although Bulgaria may be similar to Germany within international relations, it takes a very different approach in regards to migration and the refugee crisis. Following the 2015 refugee crisis, Angela Merkel’s ruling coalition declared that Germany would take in one million refugees so as to lessen the burden of the Mediterranean states such as Greece, Italy, and Spain. It was thought that other European Union member states would take a similar approach, but populist backlash did not allow this to happen.
Due to its proximity to Turkey, Bulgaria faced a massive number of migrants and asylum seekers in 2015. Although few migrants settled in Bulgaria, there has been a significant amount of backlash against them. The Bulgarian National Movement Shipka, or BNO Shipka, has emerged as a group of anti-immigration vigilantes who patrol the border with Turkey. Migration could pose further problems to Bulgaria if it becomes part of the Schengen area. Prime Minister Boyko Borissov, who held the presidency of the Council of the EU earlier this year, had been negotiating for Bulgaria’s inclusion in the Schengen agreement. This has the potential to better Bulgaria’s economy due to the free movement of goods, services, and labor force, but it could lead to a greater influx of migrants. It seems unlikely that this will happen soon, however, for the European Court of Justice continues to cite breaches in Bulgaria’s capacity to uphold minority rights and crackdown on corruption (Grozev 2010). Conversely, Boyko Borissov also was pushing for the closure of external borders of the whole European Union and for centers in Libya and Turkey to deal with migrants before they reach Europe (Reuters 2018). This backlash against migrants is similar to that of the UK.
Due to its strong economy and as an English-speaking country, many migrants attempt to make their way to the United Kingdom. However, populist backlash against this accelerated political support for Brexit, leading to the vote to leave the European Union in 2016. The UK officially notified the European Council of its intent to withdraw from the EU in March 2017, in accordance with Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon. The European Council then adopted guidelines to set the framework of the negotiations and define the EU’s positions. The European Commission has coordinated all strategic and operational components of the negotiations. Michael Barnier has served as chief negotiator throughout the negotiation process through his Task Force at the European Commission.
Yonko Grozev, Daniel Smilhov, and Rashko Dorosiev. 2010. “Protecting Individuals from
Minorities and Other Vulnerable Groups in the European Court of Human Rights, Litigation and Jurisprudence: The Case of Bulgaria” In The European Court of Human Rights and the Rights of Marginalised Individuals and Minorities in National Context, ed. Dia Anagnostou. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. 51-68.
Bugajski, Janusz. 2014.“Bulgaria: Progress and Development.” In Central and Eastern
European Politics: From Communism to Democracy, ed. Sharon L. Wolchik and Jane Leftwich Curry. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 341-71.
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